By Bilal A. Malik for Twocircles.net
Since 1947, women participation has been an inalienable element of Kashmir’s resistance movement. The courageous women of Kashmir stood upright with men in every phase of the struggle whether it was political or armed. Breaking rigid socio-cultural constructs, they came out of their houses and, eventually, their number rose to thousands. Today, the women resistance has become a full-fledged and well organised social movement. It has made a careful analysis of the “disputed” political context of Kashmir and has set an agenda based on its diagnosis of the Kashmir’s political problem.
To arrange some viable and acceptable solution to Kashmir’s political problem, it has formed its own organisations and has developed its own leadership. However, a rapid mobilisation process of women for the cause of resistance, attracting huge number of middle-class urban women, college and university girl students, female academicians and professionals, happened in 2008 when millions of Kashmiri people came out on the streets and peacefully demonstrated against illegal land sell-out known as land-row agitation. The strategy adopted by then administration to curb the volatile situation was nothing inclusive but a clear “war-policy” against people’s collective demand. Instead of addressing the issue constitutionally, in the light of article -370, unfortunately, the administration believed to work-out through the effect of “power” mechanics. Consequently, the killings and tortures done unto innocent civilians to suppress a legitimate demand sensitized more young women to stand-up and speak against human rights violations done in Kashmir on the name of law and order.
The 2008 uprising was a landmark in the resistance movement of Kashmir. It created a new discourse in the socio-political landscape of Kashmir. Now, the allegedly claimed voice of “marginal elements” had turned into a “popular” movement embodying people from all age groups, genders, religions and social stratifications. It penetrated the sentiment of Azadi (freedom) into the deepest layers of Kashmiri society. The 2008 people’s movement was followed by yet another uprising in 2010. The second uprising begun when a 16 year old student namely Wamiq Farooq was ruthlessly killed while he was returning to home from his school. Wamiq’s killing appealed to the motherly sentiments of every older Kashmiri woman and further weakened the sense of attachment towards India. As a result, a huge number of women were seen marching on the streets of Kashmir and demonstrating against injustice and human rights violations. These women were shouting slogans of AZADI (freedom) and holding placards reading “Stop Killing Kashmiris”, “Stop Genocide”, “We Want Justice”, and “Go India Go Back”. The mass participation of women, an important element of the institution of family, in these protests communicated a sense of alienation into the youngest generation of the Kashmir – a generation which was in making and still learning how to respond to societal demands. It is quite fascinating to know that the impact of 2008 and 2010 uprisings did not remain confined to religious or political circles only; rather it crept even into routine family gatherings. The discussions about Azadi were increasingly replacing the normal family conversations. Such family discussions proved to be a silent medium of transmission of sentiment of Azadi- a new psychological trait- from “older Kashmiris” to “new Kashmiris” and mothers in this case played a very vital role.
Role of women separatist leaders
Meanwhile, the women separatist leaders came on forefront and organized separate programmes for women. It was progressively a new trend, much feministic and lesser dependent on men, to mobilize more and more women for the cause of resistance movement. In different protests and programmes, these leaders would deliver passionate and emotional speeches and would explain the legacy and historicity of “Kashmir conflict” and the potential role of women. To instigate women and use it as a force to strengthen the freedom struggle of Kashmir, these speeches would frequently refer to incidents of killings and rapes like mass rape of Kunan Poshpora where forces gang raped the women of entire village, rape and death of Zahida Akhter of Dooru Islamabad, rape and death of Tabinda Ghani of Batpora Langate, rape and death of Asiya and Nelofar in Shopian. Adding unity to the resistance camp, women leaders, particularly to mention of Asia Andrabi, a notable resistance voice, publically expressed their support and cooperation to Coordination Committee- an amalgam of different separatist organisations, traders association, teachers’ forum, bar association, doctors association etc. It was a remarkable achievement for separatists and many scholars started to believe that women of Kashmir will play the same role which women of Iran played in 1979 popular revolution.
After Burhan Wani’s killing on July 8, 2016, the whole valley of Kashmir, after observing six years of so called “normalcy”, entered into another vicious “cycle” of violence. The unrest, which still continues, so far has left 65 people dead, including 3 women and more than 5,000 people, including more than 400 women, badly injured. The news of Burhan’s killing, a religiously celebrated martyrdom for almost every Kashmiri Muslim, reached every nook and cranny of Kashmir like wild fire. More than 3 lakh people, including thousands of women, gathered at Burhan’s village to participate in his funeral. It is ironical that even in such an intense volatile situation, the government of India, instead of accepting the ground political reality, started using her old and exhausted “war narratives”. More troops were called on streets to bring gunpoint normalcy; more innocents tortured and killed; roads blocked; cellular systems ceased; internet facility barred; and local media caged. However, the people of Kashmir challenged Indian establishment and categorically accused it for exercising excessive power to suppress their legitimate demand- a demand which is there in the historical documents of UN resolutions over Kashmir problem. Thousands of women again came out on streets but this time in a much organised and consolidated way. They have been continuously participating in different forms of demonstrations whether it is peaceful sit-in, candle light night protests or writing Azadi slogans on walls and roads. Some women have been using their pen in order to expose the civilian killings and state’s illegal power manifestation in Kashmir to the world outside.
The “women resistance” camp, like they did previously, unified their voice with other “men” led organizations and appealed all women to follow the joint protest calendar issued by Hurriyat- an amalgam of all separatist organizations – all across the valley. Though it was made clear that the women protesters would avoid violent situations but in spite of that the atrocities committed on their brethren forced them to get exposed to violent situations with distressed emotions in certain cases. Consequently, they shared the pain of bullets and injuries like their brethren do. The men in uniform, the otherwise guardians of civilian life, without taking care of their gender sensitivity humiliated them, tortured them, beat them and killed them. There are number of evidences, particularly from South of Kashmir, which mention about how forces hit some of these protesting women, not holding guns or stones, from the point black which amounts to clear murder. The women became equal victims of lethal pallet guns too. Many young girls, who were hit with pallets, lost their sight forever. For example 14 year old Insha Mushtaq, who is struggling for her breath at hospital, from South Kashmir was hit with pallets just outside her home.
It is worthy to note that present CM of Kashmir is also a woman but, so far, instead of ensuring life and honour of Kashmiri women, she has been engaged with New Delhi’s blame game politics. That is probably why that Kashmiri women don’t believe in her in spite of being one among them. Likewise their men, the women are tired of India’s self-styled and sick political approach vis-à-vis Kashmir. To conclude, I feel, if Kashmir issue is not addressed politically, engaging all legitimate stakeholders inclusively, then, sooner or later, women of all ideologies will become a symbol of indestructible resistance. They will fight against India, sitting shoulder to shoulder with men, and will successfully create a new political history of Kashmir.
(The author is a research scholar at Centre for Central Asian Studies, Kashmir) University)