By Soroor Ahmed, TwoCircles.net,
Much is being discussed on the reunion of old friends and two former Bihar chief ministers––Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad Yadav. It is too early to say whether they may be able to pose a challenge to the BJP-led alliance in Bihar in the next Assembly election due in Oct-Nov 2015 or not, but one thing is clear: it may go a long way to reduce the social and sectarian divisions among Muslims.
True, Muslims of Bihar, as elsewhere in India or world, are not a monolithic community. There are divisions within. But ever since the coming to power of Nitish Kumar in November 2005 the community had been witnessing a sort of animosity unheard of in the past. The coming together of Nitish and Lalu may check this phenomenon. The ruling Janata Dal (United) and Lalu Prasad’s Rashtriya Janata Dal may be politically benefited too by this reunion as the results of August 21 by-polls for 10 seats indicate.
[Courtesy: outlookindia.com]
Ever since 1990 Muslims have, by and large, been supporting Lalu Yadav’s party in the state––the original Janata Dal initially and than RJD after 1997 split. Lalu used the 30-odd per cent Muslim-Yadav population––besides other backwards and Dalits––for his own political advantage.
However, since 2005 Nitish Kumar started cultivating Muslims and the race started for creating social and other divisions within the community.
As the backward castes, for example, Ansaris and Rayeens, form a sizeable section of Muslim votes, he started winning over the leaders belonging to this section within the fold of Janata Dal (United). He partially succeeded notwithstanding the fact that his party was in alliance with the BJP for so many years.
Incidentally, he started attracting the same set of leaders whom Lalu Prasad Yadav had promoted in his heydays.
For example, Ali Anwar Ansari, the present Rajya Sabha MP of JD(U), who was a Left-leaning Hindi journalist, was made the member of the Bihar State Backward Classes Commission in 2000 by none other than the Rabri Devi government. Nitish sent him to the Upper House of Parliament in 2006 and again in 2012. Dr Ejaz Ali, an influential Rayeen voice and the son-in-law of former speaker and RJD leader, Ghulam Sarwar too was made the Janata Dal (United) MP of Rajya Sabha. He was the founder of the then Backward Muslim Morcha and Ali Anwar too was initially with him, before the latter formed his own Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz.
This was followed by Sabir Ali, who too got elected for the Upper House of Parliament on Janata Dal (United) ticket though initially he was the MP of Lok Janshakti Party. Salim Parwez, said to be a political green-horn, was made the vice chairman of the Bihar Legislative Council, the Upper House of Bihar Assembly.
An impression was created that Nitish is supporting the Pasmanda (backward) Muslims as Lalu ignored them. The truth is that almost all the important Muslim leaders Lalu had around in his initial days were backward caste Muslims. When he became the chief minister for the first time on March 10, 1990. Ilyas Husain was among the most prominent ministers and (now late) Ghulwam Sarwar, made the Speaker. Both were from this section of the community. Mumtaz Ansari (now late) was an important Lok Sabha MP of the party in early 1990s. Besides, there were several influential backward caste leaders of the community from Muslim-dominated Kosi belt, who were with Lalu Prasad then.
In contrast the upper caste Muslim leaders like now late Shakeel Ahmad Khan, Prof Lutfur Rahman and several others emerged later. But Abdul Bari Siddiqui was with the party since the beginning. Shakeel Khan was till late 1993 a prominent Communist Party of India leader and Jabir Husain had fought the 1990 Assembly election not as Janata Dal candidate but later in the year joined the party and was made the Chairman of the Bihar State Religious and Linguistic Minority Commission.
. Religious institution like Imarat-e-Shariah was still soft towards the Congress party. In fact it was the demolition of Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992 that many Muslim leaders and institutions fully crossed over to the Lalu Prasad camp. As Nitish wanted to woo Muslims the best way was to divide them in the name of castes and sects or schools of thought.
After making a bid to woo Ansaris and Rayeens Nitish shifted his attention towards Khanqahs as well as Idara-e-Shariah and other Bareilvi groups. Ghulam Rasool Balyawi of Idara-e-Shariah, who was earlier in LJP, was sent to Rajya Sabha early in February this year.
Even Imarat-e-Shariah became somewhat a divided house with Maulana Anis-ur-Rahman Qasmi made the chairman of the State Haj Committee.
Though a large part of Muslims––cutting across caste and sect lines––continued to throw their weight behind the RJD the division within the community helped the BJP consolidate its position. The saffron party managed to do so well in the Lok Sabha election this year as in spite of all the rhetoric of fighting the BJP unitedly the Muslim votes got divided.
The Janata Dal (United), which parted its way from the BJP on June 16, 2013, pitted up Muslim candidates in several seats where RJD had already announced its Muslim candidates. As the JD(U) announced its seats more than 10 days after the RJD it was blamed for creating division within the Muslim votes.
Pressure was put on several Muslim caste and religious leaders to campaign for the JD(U) candidates. Backward caste RJD legislators were broken away and given ticket to contest the Lok Sabha election––all in a hurry. This include Ghulam Ghouse and Akhtar-ul-Iman. RJD MLA like Jawaid Iqbal Ansari was accommodated in the state cabinet later as he too switched over to JD(U).
So when there was talk of the so-called unity within the community to fight the saffron party there was chaos and divisions within. But the sudden post-election developments brought both the JD(U) and RJD together. No doubt it was a marriage of convenience as both were routed in the Lok Sabha election.
As both the parties have almost similar votebank the move may pay politically. Yet socially the division within Muslims, and even may be Other Backward Castes as well as Dalits, narrow down a bit.