Utsa Sarmin, TwoCircles.net
“Kolkata has transformed into a city of rallies,” observed Mayurakshi Banerjee, a Mumbai-based cine worker who has called the city home for over two decades. This sentiment resonates throughout Kolkata’s iconic locations, where large-scale protests and smaller demonstrations have become increasingly common. A stroll through College Street on any evening reveals pockets of protests by students, workers, publishers — essentially, every conceivable community.
“People are so angry that they see no other option but to take to the streets,” said Jhelum Roy, a feminist activist and organiser of Nari-Queer Mancha. “The ongoing movement in Bangladesh has also served as an encouragement, dispelling the notion that people are less likely to protest after COVID-19.”
The catalyst for this wave of activism is the tragic death of a 31-year-old postgraduate trainee doctor at the state-run RG Kar Hospital on August 9. The first protest was initiated by the West Bengal Junior Doctors’ Forum (WBJDF) on August 10, following suspicions of foul play in the handling of the case by the hospital authorities and the Kolkata police.
Rajdeep Shaw, a second-year postgraduate trainee doctor at the All India Institute of Hygiene and Public Health, detailed the timeline of events on August 9 that raised the doctors’ concerns. The victim’s body was discovered by a fellow postgraduate student in the hospital’s seminar room at 9:30 a.m. on August 9. Initially, hospital authorities informed the deceased parents that she was ill, later changing their claim to suicide.
However, the deceased’s colleagues demanded a magistrate’s inquest and video recording of the autopsy, which was initially denied. Under mounting pressure, hospital authorities eventually agreed to the autopsy at 1:00 pm. A magistrate from a Sealdah court arrived to oversee the autopsy at 4:00 pm, seven hours after the body was found.
“The most troubling aspect was the hospital’s failure to preserve the crime scene,” Shaw noted. “People were allowed to enter the seminar room freely until the forensic team arrived, potentially contaminating evidence.”
The hasty cremation of the victim’s body, despite family objections, further fueled suspicions of a cover-up. This led to the formation of the WBJDF, which has two primary demands: first, justice for the deceased; and second, that ex-principal Sandip Ghosh, the medical superintendent-cum-vice principal (MSVP), the head of the Chest Department and the dean of Student Affairs should not be reinstated in any power position in any medical college for the rest of their careers.
Now in the custody of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), which is probing the case, Ghosh, however, was appointed as the principal of the National Medical College within hours of the incident, sparking widespread protest. Initial reports suggested he had resigned from his position at RG Kar. However, on August 21, when a doctors’ delegation went to Sasthya Bhavan (Health Ministry) to submit their demands and questioned why his resignation wasn’t accepted, they were informed that Ghosh had never submitted his resignation.
The protest that began with the doctors escalated into a mass movement when the former principal’s insensitive comments about the deceased doctor’s late-night presence in the seminar room galvanised public sentiment.
“Whenever such an incident occurs,” Jhelum said, “the blame is placed on women, and the onus of protection also falls on them”. The principal’s comment sparked a movement known as ‘Reclaim the Night’, which brought hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets on the eve of Independence Day. The comment also led to the formation of a collective of civil society organisations, Nari-Queer Mancha, to advocate for justice and accountability. Leading this collective are women and queer individuals from various feminist and social groups.
The call for ‘Reclaim the Night’ gained such traction that women from diverse backgrounds — students, cine workers, gig workers and others — either joined the protests or organised local demonstrations. This grassroots movement fostered organic connections and solidarity among strangers brought together through social media. The Nari-Queer Mancha has gathered the contact information of 120 organisers from approximately 200 protests held on August 14, building a robust network for ongoing activism.
“This is not just a protest for a doctor. This is a societal issue that needs to be highlighted,” Rajdeep Shaw said. The entire city and state seem to echo these sentiments.
Since August 14, protests have erupted in every corner of Kolkata. Perhaps the most notable protest involved supporters of two rival football clubs, Mohun Bagan and East Bengal. On August 18, these clubs were scheduled to face each other in the Kolkata Derby. Supporters had planned to use the match as a platform to voice their support for RG Kar Hospital.
Anirban Sikdar, an actor and avid football fan, informed that supporters had prepared tifos (banners) for the match. However, the game was canceled at the last minute. “It would have been the first derby without the usual fan rivalry,” he said. “It would have seen only one voice — justice for RG Kar. Bengali football fans were ready.”
The cancellation did not deter the supporters from organising their protests. Despite the rain, they gathered at the Salt Lake Stadium, where the derby was supposed to occur, and raised their voices in support of RG Kar.
“We were told that there weren’t enough police personnel available to ensure safety during the match,” Anirban continued, “but when we reached the protest site, we saw the entire area was teeming with uniforms”.
The peaceful demonstrators were met with a lathi charge and mass detentions. “The state is afraid,” he concluded.
Amidst the widespread anger, the Trinamool Congress-led state government announced Ratri Sathi (night companion), a project that restricts women doctors from being assigned night duties. This decision faced immense criticism from all segments of society.
Jyotika Singh, a second-year postgraduate trainee from the All India Institute of Hygiene and Public Health, argued that this measure is counterproductive. “In any act of violence, women tend to lose their independence and economic opportunities,” she explained. “It is a patriarchal solution to a patriarchal problem.”
The contradictory nature of patriarchal protectionism against a patriarchal problem was evident in various rallies and protests. A movement intended to highlight women’s safety, and ideally led by women, saw mass participation from men, including those with sexual abuse cases against them.
“On August 14, during the ‘Reclaim the Night’ protest, I was walking with a few women who had never been to a protest, and we witnessed drunk men everywhere,” Gulshanara Khatun, an actor and feminist activist, said. “Celebrities with sexual abuse cases were present that night. Queer and trans women were harassed by men. It was a chaotic scene. We were unable to explain to people why this rally needed to be exclusively for women.”
Kunal Chakraborty, a photographer and filmmaker, highlighted similar issues during a rally organised by photographers and videographers on August 19. “It was mostly led by male photographers, as the industry is dominated by men and has a very loose political basis,” he explained.
The prevailing sentiment among the active participants in the movement is a desire to consolidate the various pockets of protests and drive the movement to its desired conclusion. Demonstrating public anger to the state government is crucial. However, not everyone is welcome to participate.
Conversations with organisers and participants reveal a sense of rejection towards both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Trinamool Congress (TMC). While many political parties are organising their own programs, the Nari-Queer Mancha has announced its intention to go beyond the binary of political parties.
“Since August 14, we have noticed that women have been spontaneously rejecting political parties,” said Jhelum. “They don’t want to be part of their programs. We want to highlight these political voices, the progressive democratic voices that will hold the power accountable.”
Khatun echoed these sentiments, mentioning that she would not associate with parties linked to cases of abuse like Hathras and Unnao. As a victim of Islamophobia and gender violence, even from her own colleagues, Khatun has also rejected the film fraternity as an ally.
The doctors have also appeared to reject the BJP by changing the date of their rally at the last minute when they realised that the party’s student wing had called for a rally on the same day to show solidarity with the doctors.
While efforts to build a mass movement independent of political parties continue, Jhelum informed that the Nari-Queer Mancha met with lawyer Jhuma Sen to identify legal gaps in India’s laws against gender violence.
“We want to discuss the Verma Committee,” Jhelum said, referring to the panel established after the brutal Delhi gang rape of 2012. The committee submitted its report in 2013, leading to the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, which significantly reformed Indian rape and sexual crime laws and investigative procedures. Key changes included a broadened definition of rape and harsher penalties for sexual offenses.
“More than 10 years have passed since the Act came into effect,” Jhelum stated, adding, “We demand a review of the legislation and setting up a new committee to assess its effectiveness. We also want a deeper look at Internal Complaints Committees (ICCs). Every institution should have an ICC to address cases of sexual harassment. However, we often find that ICC members are nominated by authorities, or authorities themselves, raising concerns about their impartiality. We advocate for elected ICC members who represent various stakeholders such as student representatives and feminist activists in case of universities.”
She emphasised the need for a comprehensive review and rebuilding of these institutions, both in organised and unorganised sectors. She also mentioned that the Verma Committee had recommended preventive actions like gender sensitisation training. The Nari-Queer Mancha wants to assess whether such training is still being implemented.
According to Jyotika, a postgraduate trainee doctor, gender sensitisation is not addressed during undergraduate medical studies. “We don’t discuss it for five years,” she said. “There is no gender sensitivity training. We need more conversations about gender mainstreaming starting at the undergraduate level, involving students, teachers, doctors, janitorial staff and support staff.”
For her, creating a safe space for herself and her fellow female health workers involves more than just physical security measures. “Gender sensitisation and a greater presence of women are crucial. My vision of a safe space includes more women, especially at night, and a trustworthy grievance redressal system. Guards, CCTV and increased surveillance are not sufficient. We need systemic changes.”