Maariyah Siddique, TwoCircles.net
Religious festivals in India, particularly Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti, have in recent years increasingly become platforms for asserting “dominance and spreading fear”, particularly targeting Muslim communities. What once were occasions for celebration of faith have now allegedly been weaponised to stoke communal tensions, fuel violence and deepen societal divisions.
This alleged shift has been driven not just by political forces but also by digital mobilisation and the manipulation of cultural narratives, making these events focal points for communal polarisation.
“Having an incorrigible trust in the rich legacy of our composite culture, it shattered my dream of an India that boasts of its Ganga Jamuni Tehzeeb (syncretic culture) ,” says Manzar Jameel, secretary general of All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat (West Bengal Chapter).
A well-known social rights activist and joint convenor of the Forum Against CAA-NRC, he is not alone in feeling suffocated by the alleged growing weaponisation of religious festivals in the country. This sentiment was echoed by many others at a recent panel discussion held at Kolkata’s Iran Society. The event, organised on the occasion of the release of the book Weaponisation of Hindu Festivals: Communal Violence During Ram Navami Processions 2022-23 by Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade, brought together a diverse group of activists, journalists and academics to explore the issue in depth.
The launch of this book, hosted by the Hashim Abdul Halim Foundation and the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, aimed to raise awareness about the alleged increasing violence and social division during religious ceremonies. The event included panel discussions with experts who analysed the “systematic rise” of violence during religious festivals and the “state’s role in enabling such incidents”.
Weaponisation of Festivals: A Pattern, Not an Isolated Incident
“Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti processions were not traditionally events where swords, firearms and bulldozers were paraded,” observed Jameel. He highlighted how these festivals have now transformed from simple religious observances to occasions for asserting dominance over minorities. He pointed out how even places of worship are increasingly embroiled in the politics of Hindu nationalism, with hate-preaching figures parading in saffron robes and inciting violence against Muslims.
Jameel alleged such violence is not sporadic but part of a broader, systematic pattern Over the years, he said, incidents of communal clashes, from the torching the Madrassa Azizia in Nalanda in Bihar in 2023 to clashes in Howrah and Hooghly, have grown more frequent and widespread.
He said local religious processions in BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand have witnessed not just religious assertions but also economic boycotts of Muslim traders and aggressive political posturing. “Even peaceful festival observances have been affected, such as the controversy over worship at the Raghava Chaitanya Shivling in Kalaburgi’s Laadle Mashak Dargah,” he elaborated.
The increasing weaponisation of festivals has caught the attention of both national and international organisations, with groups like Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) and Human Rights Watch warning against the rise of anti-Muslim violence at these events, often fuelled by police bias and lack of state condemnation.
The State and Market: Key Players in Communal Polarisation
Reflecting on recent riot data, Sabir Ahamed from the Pratichi Institute explained communal violence is no longer confined to urban areas but has expanded to rural regions. He also said that the role of the market has become crucial in fostering communal polarisation.
“Armed processions, which deliberately pass through Muslim-majority areas, are often backed by local administration, turning religious celebrations into flashpoints for violence,” he said.
Thess views are reinforced by the findings in the book, where the authors argue that communal riots have become a calculated strategy for Hindu nationalists. They describe the existence of an “institutionalised riot system” that operates with “unbelievable precision and grand-scale coordination” across states. Such violence is exacerbated by the absence of condemnation from political leaders, enabling hate to fester. A particularly striking example of this is the 2022 Khargone violence, where state ministers and police were seen supporting violent mobs, further emboldening the attackers.
Digitalisation of Hate: A Psychological Tactic
The rise of digital platforms has played a significant role in the spread of hate and communal polarisation. Sana (name changed), a youth activist and historian, shared her personal experience of how the digital space has contributed to the creation of social divides. Once an active participant in her non-Muslim friends’ Diwali celebrations in Vadodara, she now faces alienation during festivals like Holi, where social interactions are limited to the “transaction of food”. She pointed out that these divisions are not just a result of personal experiences but are rooted in a long history of communal tensions, dating back to the British era, which have been manipulated and magnified by digital narratives in recent years.
The digital manipulation of history and culture has only exacerbated the situation. Sana mentioned how self-proclaimed political influencers and social media platforms have promoted distorted versions of India’s past, discrediting freedom fighters like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. These narratives, disseminated through social media platforms like WhatsApp and Facebook, deepen societal divisions and fuel hatred.
Pratik Sinha, co-founder of Alt News, called the process “cultural and digital manipulation”, pointing out how the Hindutva ecosystem has now captured the information sphere, from mainstream media to Netflix, further polarising society.
However, while some like Sana have given up on engaging with online trolls, others like Jameel remain hopeful about countering the spread of hate through intellectual resistance and street-level activism.
Psychological Impact and Long-Term Fear
Jameel emphasised the violence during religious festivals is no longer just about physical intimidation but is aimed at creating a sense of psychological fear among Muslim communities. He argued these events are not merely about attacking Muslims but about disciplining Hindus into a “hyper-masculine and militant religiosity”, which is more psychological than physical. The increasing weaponisation of festivals is thus not about immediate confrontation but about creating long-term fear psychosis among Muslim youth.
Sana, who was present in Howrah during the 2023 Ram Navami communal clash, narrated how the entire Muslim community lived in fear, too afraid to even venture out for basic necessities. This fear is part of a broader strategy to stifle Muslim youth activism in areas like Howrah, Hooghly and Shivamogga, where police intimidation is used to curb any potential dissent.