By IANS
Islamabad : There is urgent need for Pakistan’s civilian institutions to be liberated from the domination of retired and serving military officers, who are holding lucrative civilian jobs in total disregard to the negative impact such appointments have on the institutions and their personnel, an expert says.
“The Pakistani military has acquired such a salient role in politics and other non-professional domains that it is no longer possible to discuss politics and society without taking into account the disposition of the top brass, especially that of the army,” Hasan-Askari Rizvi said in an article in Daily Times Sunday.
“It is, therefore, not surprising that much attention is now being focused on the army’s top command in the context of the ongoing political situation,” he added in the article titled “Redefining the military’s role”.
According to Rizvi, three factors draw attention to the role of the army’s top brass in the current political context.
First, there has been a resurgence of civilian-political and societal forces that have increased the strain on the political order led by President Pervez Musharraf.
Political parties and several civil society groups, especially lawyers, have become more assertive in their demands for constitutionalism, civilian primacy and participatory governance.
Second, increased terrorist activity of militant Islamic groups based primarily in the tribal areas poses a serious challenge to the state.
Third, Musharraf faces strong constitutional and judicial challenges to his political future. Even if the Supreme Court legitimises his re-election, he will find it difficult to continue in the dominant role he currently enjoys.
In addition to these factors, former prime minister Benazir Bhutto’s return to Pakistan has given a boost to civilian-political forces.
“However, her major strength – her popular appeal – incurs the wrath of militant Islamic groups and the leadership of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Qaid (PML-Q). Both view her as a threat to their respective agendas and want to neutralise her popular appeal,” Rizvi maintained.
As a result, Pakistan will witness increasing political hostility between Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and its political adversaries. This situation will get a fillip from militant Islamic groups that are likely to use violence to disrupt Pakistan’s transition to a more democratic system.
“In such a complex and polarised political situation, the attitude of the top commanders is important in shaping the direction of political change: Will they help the government cope with these pressures and facilitate the transition to democracy, or exploit these problems to further consolidate their hold on power?” Rizvi wondered.
Rizvi said according to the attorney general, if the Supreme Court disqualifies Musharraf, the government has several options to deal with the situation. In any case, the writer quotes official circles as saying, Musharraf could still continue as army chief.
“In such a scenario, political circles will view the army as a partisan of Musharraf in his effort to stay in power. Such an outcome would also amount to undermining the principles enshrined in the constitution.
“Musharraf has already overstayed as army chief and if he uses this office to hold on to power, this will yet again expose the army to sharp criticism from political circles and other societal groups.
“The top brass will not want a repeat of the harsh criticism directed at the army when Musharraf tried to get rid of the chief justice earlier this year,” Rizvi maintains.
“The top brass can continue to dominate the economy and politics of Pakistan if it so wishes, but this approach neither serves the long-term institutional interests of the military nor does it help stabilise Pakistan.
“If the current wave of activism in Pakistani politics continues, the commanders will soon find it very difficult to maintain their control of politics and their domineering role will consistently be challenged,” Rizvi contended.