Sami Ahmad, TwoCircles.net
Patna: Nitish Kumar, despite being a partner and facilitator of the BJP, still seeks Muslim votes in the upcoming Bihar Assembly election. His supporters argue that Nitish Kumar has managed to contain the BJP’s divisive policies, but many Muslims ask a pertinent question “Why did Nitish Kumar ditch us on the Waqf law?” referring to the Modi government’s amendment that Muslim bodies fear would strip them of Waqf properties
Muslim Discontent and Broken Trust
Despite acknowledging Nitish Kumar’s contribution through a few welfare schemes, the Muslim community has long complained about his many U turns and his alignment with the BJP’s Hindutva agenda ranging from the Triple Talaq law to the CAA and his silence over the “infiltrators” barb aimed at Muslims in Seemanchal by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah.
Young journalist Salman Ghani voiced this sentiment online in response to Nitish Kumar’s claims of having worked for Muslims.
“I feel sorry for you sometimes. Some of your wrong decisions wiped off all your work. Muslims, with heavy hearts, accepted you even while you were friends with the BJP. But the Muslim community felt let down by you on issues from CAA to Waqf.”
Between Approval and Anger
Critics, including many of Nitish’s former supporters, say he is trying to “hold with the hare and run with the hounds.” Political analysts note that even in frail health, Nitish understands the importance of Bihar’s 40 odd Muslim dominated assembly seats as the state heads toward polls on November 6 and 11, with results on November 14.
It is a high stakes gamble for Nitish, whose Janata Dal (United) faces a razor thin contest with the opposition Mahagathbandhan (RJD Congress Left).
Lost Goodwill and Shrinking Representation
For every nod of approval, there is a furrowed brow. From the weavers of Bhagalpur to the traders of Seemanchal, Muslims harbour deep complaints.
The sharpest sting came in March 2025, when major outfits like Imarat Shariah boycotted Nitish’s Iftar over his support for the BJP’s Waqf (Amendment) Bill, which they viewed as an assault on religious endowments.
“You rose to power promising secularism, but now side with those diluting our rights,” read their letter an echo of the charge that Nitish’s NDA alliance has eroded his secular credentials.
This contrasts sharply with Nitish’s claim that Muslims not only voted for him but even for the BJP because of his goodwill, which now seems lost forever.
Further, Nitish Kumar has fielded only four Muslim candidates this year, compared to eleven in 2020. The NDA has announced just five Muslim candidates overall none from the BJP, and one from Chirag Paswan’s party.
Some JD(U) leaders argue this is pragmatic since all eleven Muslim JD(U) candidates lost in 2020. However, others within his party made openly hostile remarks, suggesting that “since Muslims do not vote for them, they would not work for Muslims.” Such statements have further alienated the community and damaged Nitish’s earlier goodwill.
The Sushasan Babu at a Crossroads
At 74, Nitish Kumar, the “Sushasan Babu” (Mr. Good Governance) who has helmed Bihar for nearly two decades, finds himself at a crossroads. His frequent alliance somersaults have earned him the moniker “Paltu Ram,” while anti-incumbency whispers grow louder after a decade of NDA rule marred by economic stagnation and unfulfilled promises.
Yet, in a state where Muslims make up 17.7 percent of the population, Nitish is doubling down on minority outreach.
The Transactional Pitch
Nitish’s pitch is unapologetically transactional but rooted in a narrative of tangible delivery. Speaking at a recent election meeting in Purnea, he said, “Before 2005, Muslims were just a vote bank paraded during elections, forgotten afterward. My government changed that.”
He then listed welfare initiatives as proof of his commitment to Pasmanda (backward) Muslims, who form the bulk of Bihar’s minority underclass.
The government claims that the minority welfare budget has grown many fold since 2005 from a mere ₹2 crore to over ₹600 crore today funding scholarships, hostels, and skill training centers for Muslim youth.
Critics, however, point out that while the overall budget has expanded, the share for the minority welfare department still lags behind that of other deprived groups and states.
Symbolism and Shortfalls
Nitish often cites his government’s construction of boundary walls around eight thousand Qabristans, claiming it helped minimize communal tension. His opponents argue that maintaining law and order is the state’s duty, not a favour, noting that his government also built crematoriums for Hindus.
He also highlights Madrasa reforms and improved pay for Madrasa teachers. While these efforts are acknowledged, the fraternity says they remain inadequate salaries are still not at par with schoolteachers, and the Urdu language continues to be neglected.
Why Nitish Still Seeks Muslim Votes
So, despite such discord, why is Nitish Kumar still trying to woo back Muslim voters?
A senior JD(U) leader told Twocircles.net, “The JD(U) draws main support from Kurmis and EBCs but needs Muslims to offset Yadav muscle 14 percent. Ditching them risks an RJD Muslim Yadav sweep, collapsing their 101 seat NDA share. BJP can afford it; Nitish can’t.”
Senior journalist Abdul Qadir adds that “a section of JD(U) leaders, in the name of Nitish Kumar, are seeking Muslim votes.” He explains:
“Nitish has always been conscious about his image and wants to be seen as an upholder of liberal values and respect for all beliefs. More than votes, it was his image that mattered in his good old days, and his pro-Mandal aides would not like him to go down in history as a religious bigot.”
The Survival Pitch
A JD(U) insider points to another concern: Nitish’s wariness of the BJP and Chirag Paswan’s designs. Top BJP leaders, including Amit Shah, tactfully call Nitish the NDA’s “election face” but avoid saying he will be Chief Minister again. This could hurt the vote transfer from BJP’s upper caste voters and Chirag’s base.
Last time, Chirag Paswan, a self-declared “Modi’s Hanuman,” ensured the defeat of three dozen JD(U) candidates with undeclared BJP support. Anticipating such risks, Nitish is keen to rebuild his Muslim outreach.
That is Nitish’s survival pitch. Not love. Not ideology. Just math. He needs just enough Muslim votes to stop RJD’s MY sweep. He plays soft Hindutva to keep EBCs from drifting to the BJP, a former senior government official sums it up.