Over four months have passed since violence broke out in the Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD) in July 2012. In this special series on Bodoland violance, we bring stories of violence, desperation, and also hope from this “tinderbox.” This series has been made possible with financial support from Indian Muslim Relief Committee (IMRC).
By M. Reyaz, TwoCircles.net,
Gosaigaon/Kokrajhar: In Kokrajahr, the Headquarter of the Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD), our first destination was All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU). After having lunch with ABSU volunteers, we went to meet few other activists in town.
As we decided to head towards Gosaigaon sub-division, one ABSU volunteer helped us hire a taxi. The driver – a Bodo – asked where exactly we are planning to go. On hearing the name of Telipara, a Bengali Muslim dominated suburb in Gosaigaon, he said he can only go till Gosaigaon town and not further. Since it was already late afternoon, on way he appeared worried that he may get late while coming back. “It’s not safe, you see, many Muslim villages fall on way,” he told me.
ABSU office ‘Bodofa House’ in Kokrajhar.
Earlier in Guwahati, several Bengali Muslim friends, activists and civil rights advocates, I met had suggested, against going to Gosaigaon through Kokrajhar.
Even as poor villagers are coming back and trying to have another beginning, three and half months after the ethnic clashes had erupted in July end, sporadic attacks and murders in the month of November have created unease and increased the already fragile and ‘imposed’ tranquility, and sense of insecurity and fear.
TCN reporter spent some time in ‘Muslim’ villages and also in Kokrajhar to explore the possibilities of ‘reconciliation.’
Tinderbox:
Talking to this reporter, the newly appointed Sub-Divisional Police Officer (SDPO) of Gosaigaon, young IPS officer Nilesh Sawarkar, said: “The situation is under control. But this area is like tinderbox, even a small ignite can flare up into storm.”
IAS Vinod Sheshan, the SDO (Civil) of Gosaigaon, who is looking after the rehabilitation and relief programmes, is not very ‘hopeful.’ He says, “Things are not very good here… Bodos and Bengali (Muslims) do not want to see each other, it appears.”
While Raju Narzary, a TISS graduate and Executive Director of the North East Research & Social Work Networking (NERSWN) that is currently working in Bodo dominated villages, too agrees that the situation is not very conducive at the moment, but tells TCN, “We can’t always wait for an opportune time for reconciliation…sometimes we need to work against the tide as well.”
Raju Narzary of NERSWN and Johanna Lokhande of CSJ
Narzary also suggests that the two communities are too dependent on each other for work and otherwise and the virtual economic blockade will soon end. What is needed though is ‘micro-level village to village contact.” For this, he asserts, we need to bring leaders from both sides on one platform.
Reconciliation, without justice, not possible:
Mokhlesur Rahman, advocate and President of Minority Citizens’ Rights Protection Committee (MCRPC), a society formed in the aftermath of the July ethnic riot seems to agree, “There cannot be any reconciliation when gun trotting extremists are attacking you.”
Professor Shamsul Haque from Gosaigaon’s Hajinabi Junior College acknowledges the fact that it is just a ‘minority within the Bodo community,’ the militia group that led to violence and expects from the government that the law and order should prevail, that laws should be allowed to take its course (in brining perpetrators to justice) and wants deployment of adequate forces (which at the moment is) to create a sense of security amongst both communities.
Prof. Haque also believes that the civil society too needs to come forward and suggested the idea of “peace committee,” that would have representatives from all factions within both communities. He too reiterates though, “Unless these arms (those in the hands of the militia) are seized, we cannot expect any restoration of peace and tranquility or normalcy in the BTAD.”
Outside the Gosaigaon SDPO office an old ABSU ‘writing on the wall,’ declaring “Divide Assam 50/50. Bodo Land is our birth right.”
In fact “fear of gun trotting militia,” seems to have taken over most people in the BTAD, and not just the Bengali speaking Muslims. Kidnappings, arson, murder, etc. have become common here. When this reporter was in Gosaigaon, there was a strike called over the kidnapping of Bengali (Hindu) businessman Santosh Shah, allegedly by the Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT).
Prof. Shamsul Haque, Gosaigaon
Johanna Lokhande, Programme Officer at the Ahmedabad based Center for social Justice, that is working in collaboration with local groups in both the Bodo and Bengali Muslim localities in providing legal service, rehabilitation and adequate compensation, says that her organisation would be willing to extend support to any such effort, but recognizes the fact that “reconciliation is not possible without justice.” She added, “If there is justice, this process (reconciliation) becomes much more easier.” USA based nonprofit organisation, Indian Muslim Relief & Charities (IMRC) is facilitating in legal aids in collaboration with CSJ.
Praise for local administration:
The silver lining in the current situation has been the actions of district and local officials. While the anger of the Bengali Muslim community appears to be driven towards the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) administration, most people, however, praised the ‘cooperative’ nature of local administration.
Earlier there have been allegations of ‘prejudiced’ actions that led to transfers of SDO, SDPO and suspensions of some other police officials who were accused of ‘involvement’ in riots.
However, the new subdivision officials have since tried to rebuild confidence amongst both communities
Johanna Lokhande of CSJ in fact did not flinch her words in appreciating the “excellent work,” that the sub-divisional officers in Gosaigaon were doing. Although complains about inadequate rations, rehabilitation problems are common, most civil rights advocates appreciated the fact that new SDO and SDPO are at least open to listening to them and appear “unbiased.”
It is because at some level, Guwahati too realizes the gravity of the problem and hence it is only the second time since the independence that both the SDO and SDPO are IAS and IPS rank officers, otherwise manned by state cadres.
Dark tunnel ahead?
Any quick solution to the ethnic tension in the Bodoland, as also the larger “Bangladeshi” issue, appears bleak though for the issue is many-faceted, very complex and to make matter worse, it is highly “politicised.”
BTC leaders have openly said that only ‘genuine Indian citizens’ are welcome, and not ‘Bangladeshi’ foreigners. In fact neither BTC chief Hagrama Mohilary, a coalition partner of the Congress government in Guwahati, nor any of his leaders have visited any camp and assured Bengali Muslims – at least those with proper documents – of security, although he did meet some Muslim leaders and party workers. What is interesting to note is that Muslims in the BTAD had until now generally voted for the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), Hagrama’s party.
The All Assam Minority Students’ Union (AAMSU) has painted walls in almost all Muslim villages and are trying to champion their causes.
Local administration also fears that there is ample ground for extremism to grow amongst fundamentalist and reactionary forces within Muslim community as well.
And hence one hope that the ‘tinderbox’ does not get another ignite soon again.