By Ehtasham Khan for TwoCircles.net
Soon after United Progressive Alliance (UPA) came to power for the second term, a Muslim organization felicitated some select Members of Parliament whom they consider “well-wishers of the community.” Almost all the Muslim MPs, disregarding their political affiliation, were invited. Non-Muslim MPs included mainly from Left parties.
The main attraction, however, was newly appointed Minister of Minority Affairs Salman Khurshid. The jam-packed audience at the Islamic Cultural Centre auditorium in New Delhi was more than eager to listen to Khurshid for two reasons. Firstly, because just a few months back Khurshid lost the election for the President of the Islamic Cultural Centre. The elite association of Muslims from across the country gave thumps-down to foreign educated, suave, intelligent, brilliant speaker and old Congressman Khurshid, while it choose to vote for a businessman from old Delhi having links to Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
Secondly, there were lots of expectations from Khurshid’s ministry as his predecessor A R Anatualy couldn’t do much for the reason this ministry was created.
Khurshid gave a fiery speech. He said: “Jab aap chahte the tab main chunao nahi jeet paya aur jab aapne nahi chaha to main wazir ban gaya. (When you wanted, I couldn’t win the election. And when you didn’t want me, I became a minister.)” Khurshid hinted Muslim vote does not matter. Notwithstanding the reasons why Muslims overwhelmingly voted for Congress party in Uttar Pradesh in the last Lok Sabha polls while rejecting “mulla” Mulayam, Khurshid didn’t bother to hide the mindset of the “grand old party.”
Politically marginalized
Cut to August, 2010. A group of Muslim students assembled outside the Tughlaq Road residence of Sharad Yadav — the Janta Dal (United) leader from Bihar whose party is having alliance with BJP. Another group of young men sat with JD (U) MP from Begusarai Monazir Hassan at his MS Flat residence. The men persuaded Hassan to seek appointment with Yadav so that the students assembled at his residence get a few minute audience with him. The students wanted Yadav to raise the issue of the delay in setting up of Aligarh Muslim University Special Centre in Kisanganj in Bihar.
At 6:30 pm, Yadav finally agreed to meet the students. They were called inside the sprawling lawn. Yadav appeared for exactly five minutes and assured he would speak to HRD minister Kapil Sibal, and went back to his room. It was iftar time but the students were not even offered a glass of water. Muslims, apparently, are not strong a community as Gujjars or Dalits.
JD(U) president Sharad Yadav (2nd from left) and Monazir Hasan, Begusarai MP (on his left) in Delhi on August 22nd.
Is it not an irony that a group of Muslims are trying to lobby with JD (U) – which has association with BJP – to seek some benefit from the ruling Congress which every other day claims to be a champion of Muslim uplift. The Sachchar report, the Ranganath Misra report and the 15-point program of the Prime Minister to empower Muslims.
A young gentleman in the crowd told me the news reports coming from Ministry of Minority Affairs claiming the Muslim representation in Central government jobs are rising from X percent to Y is as good as the increasing GDP figures and decreasing inflation figures issued by the government. It hardly makes any difference to common man.
Major issues
The conspiracy is even larger. Today, Muslims are involved in discussing three major issues concerning the community. Aligarh Muslim University Special Centres, Right to Education Act and Wakf Ammendment Bill 2010. Interestingly, the community seems to be divided on all these issues.
1. Aligarh Muslim University Special Centre: The University is fighting a legal battle in Supreme Court to attain minority status so as to reserve quota for Muslims. But, out of a blue, AMU decided to open Special Centres in Kishanganj in Bihar, Mallapuram in Kerala and Murshidabad in West Bengal. It is argued that these Centres will help uplift Muslims in the backward districts of Kisanganj and Murshidabad. While there is no logic for Mallapuram except the fact the Vice Chancellor Abdul Aziz belongs to Kerala.
The University knows very well without having a clear minority status, AMU will be like any other institution. Moreover, it is unimaginable how the specialized courses in management (MBA) and law (BALLB) will help poor Muslims in Murshidabad and Kisanganj most of whom are malnourished rickshaw-pullers. Nobody is pressing for the establishment and monitoring of good government schools in these minority-concentration districts as planned by the Ministry of Minority Affairs. These are plans not to be implemented but only to be projected as minority welfare schemes.
As predicted, Special Centres are stuck in a legal battle in Allahabad and Kerala high courts. The law does not allow AMU to establish any centre beyond 25 km of the University mosque.
But the project did help two self-seeking stake holders. It diverted all the attention from scandalous corruption charges against Vice Chancellor Abdul Aziz revealed by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report and several RTIs.
Secondly, it helped the Congress party to establish its pro-minority image. (See, I did it for you). Government was sure AMU Special Centres will find its way to the high courts just like the minority character issue. Remember, how Centre clandestinely approved the minority status of AMU five years ago being fully aware that it will be challenged in the courts in its present form. It happened again in the Special Centre issue.
2. Right to Education Act: Muslim organizations are busy lobbying for amendment in the Right to Education Act. They believe the Act makes it mandatory for all schools to give free education to a section of underprivileged students as no school can deny admission to any student. Some Muslim groups believe this will be interference in the right to manage and administer minority institutions. They argue minority schools have little funds collected by the community and it would be difficult for them to give free education even to a small section of students. It would be unfair to compare minority schools with private schools.
While the opponents feel most minority institutions have become personal fiefs and are corrupt in their management.
3. Wakf bill 2010: Some Muslim groups consider the Wakf Bill, 2010 was passed hastily in the Lok Sabha in the budget session at its fag end without any discussion. This has led to protest by several Muslim organizations; some of them have submitted detailed memoranda to the government seeking amendments to the Bill. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board wants proper debate when the bill comes before the Rajya Sabha. Government should allow a comprehensive discussion to deal with the objections raised and, if necessary, agree to amend the Wakf Bill.
There is one thing in common in all the above issues. It has been created by the government of the day. If nothing at all, it helps in dividing the entire Muslim intelligentsia and middle class. It also gives an impression that the government is trying to bring in reforms in the community.
But it serves a larger purpose as well. Now the total focus and energy of the community has been diverted in these three issues. So who will ask for Sachchar and Ranganath Misra recommendations? Who will demand for proper implementation of Prime Minister’s 15-point program? Who will ask for better schools and hospitals in minority-concentration districts? Who will ask why Muslim students cannot avail the minority scholarships just because government banks are not opening their account? Who will ask why Muslims are not getting loans? Who will challenge the exaggerated claims of government when it comes to minority welfare? Who will tell the government that the representation of Muslims in civil services fell from 4 percent last year to 2.5 percent in 2010?
Have patience till the next election. Hindutva threat is looming large. New minority welfare schemes are coming up.
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The writer is Special Correspondent with IBN 7.