By Soroor Ahmed, TwoCircles.net,
Reservation is often considered as a ladder to acquire social, political, economic and educational empowerment. That is why the Muslims in general welcomed the recent government move on 4.5 per cent sub-quota for OBC minorities within the 27 per cent quota for Backward Castes in general.
But a close analysis of the issue of reservation would throw up some interesting facts. At the very outset it must be made very clear that the reservation is given to the less empowered––be it the Minorities, Backwards, women, SCs and STs––by the established ruling class only when they, the empowered lot, acquire more power and feel very well entrenched.
That is why differences between the Upper Castes and Dalits and Backwards in many parts of the country remain as wide as it was 60 years ago. Yes, in some states the Dalits and OBCs have acquired some political empowerment, but socially, educationally and economically they are as deprived as they were more or less six decades back. At places political empowerment seems to be a temporary phenomenon.
Even in states like UP and Bihar, where the Backwards and Dalits have acquired some say in the political executive, their control over the permanent executive, that is, bureaucracy is far from firm. Upper Castes still call the shots. They have virtual monopoly in Judiciary and Media, the Fourth Estate.
Socially, Harijan hunting is still common and at places they are still treated as sub-human. The practice of discrimination still exists even in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where the earliest backward castes movement under the leadership of Periyar E V Ramaswamy started about 90 years ago. At places Dalits and women are not allowed to enter temples. Today the Brahmins are still as strong in Tamil Nadu as in pre-reservation era in spite of anti-Brahminism of Self Respect Movement in mid-1920s, Justice Party after 1938 and the MK, DMK, AIADMK and all that.
Economically Dalits and Backwards have overwhelming presence in the Below Poverty Line category all over the country.
If Jatavs, who form over half the 22-23 per cent Dalit population of UP are politically strong today they had a history. Apart from other factors the growth of leather, army boot and belt industries in cantonment towns like Kanpur, Meerut, Agra and even Allahabad after 1857 played a very crucial role in their development. Reservation only helped them in getting some temporary political power.
Take the case of Mahars of central and west India. B R Ambedkar, the architect of Indian Constitution, comes from this caste of Dalit. They were “militarily” empowered by the British in 19th century itself. The British even raised Mahar Regiment in their name. So if they have some palpable presence in the society today much is due to their past history and not just because they got the benefit of reservation.
Take the case of Jharkhand, the state carved out in the name of adivasis on November 15, 2000. In the past 11 years the tribes have only got disempowered though all its chief ministers were from them.
The fearless adivasis led by Birsa Munda, Jaipal Singh and Shibu Soren in the past are now just playing into the hands of Upper Castes and trading communities from all over the country. By all accounts the tribals have got further weak.
Now turn to Bihar. Here the husband-wife duo of Lalu Yadav and Rabri Devi ruled for full 15 years. Though the media always highlighted some fantastic stories of Yadavisation of bureaucracy the truth is that in the entire 15 years period just one Yadav from Bihar, Gorelal Yadav, could get the opportunity to become Commissioner or Secretary rank officer. Even he was an Indian Economic Service officer.
This simply because Yadavs of Bihar are educationally, socially and even economically still much more backward. This notwithstanding the fact that they had temporarily––for 15 years––acquired some political power. Today Yadavs, who form the largest caste group in Bihar are as politically weak as they were in pre-1990 years––may be even more than that. Similar is the case with Dussadhs of the state.
In the same way if Mayawati is voted out of power and this phenomenon is finished it is most likely that Dalits may end up where they were before 1990.
The problem with phenomenon like Lalu, Mulayam, Ram Vilas Paswan, Mayawati etc in north India is that they appear to be temporary. There is every fear of the respective castes losing whatever political power they had acquired after their departure from the scene of these leaders.
By the time some Backward Castes, like Kurmi, Koeri, Lodh, Bania, Yadav, Nishad or Mallah etc and some Dalit castes like Jatavs (or Ravidas), Paswan (or Dussadh), Mahar, Mazhabi Sikh among Dalits or Adivasis had acquired some political power––may be due to reservation––the well-entrenched Upper Castes had travelled miles ahead. They have by now learnt the art of backseat driving and have no problem by giving reservation. They can bounce back even if the Backwards and Dalits get some quota. They have a history of all-round development.
Similarly, Minorities in general, and Muslims in particular may be elated, that 4.5 per cent quota within the 27 per cent quota for OBC would benefit them. But the established order do not give anything before ensuring that they are not weakened by any move. Besides, they have nothing to lose as the quota of the OBCs are getting divided.
True, when Mandal Commission report was implemented in August 1990 it was thought that it is the end of the day for the Upper Castes. The country, especially north India, witnessed caste riots and several people self-immolated themselves in protest.
But that was momentary. In came Narasimha Rao and he introduced the concept of Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization (LPG). This move to much extent neutralized whatever gain the Backward Castes could have achieved.
If Dalits and Backwards could hardly move up Minorities and even women need to introspect and analyse before getting so much elated by this policy of reservation. After all see what is happening to the policy of 33 per cent quota for women in urban and rural local bodies. In states like Bihar it is 50 per cent. But are women really getting empowered or have crime against them decreased since the 72nd and 73rd amendments? The clear answer is no. In many states women are proxy candidates for their criminal husbands, who really call the shots. They are getting killed, dumped into jails, becoming widows during the panchayat elections. And the “empowered” male dominated panchayat do not feel shy in gang-raping the female mukhiya or village head.
Will Women Reservation Bill, which calls for 33 per cent reservation in Parliament, really empower them?
[Photo by Md Ali, TwoCircles.net]