As people of Kerala celebrate Onam, this article tries to critically explore the emerging counter narrative of historically oppressed section against sustaining casteist tradition.
By MUBASHIR V.P
Political independence from the yoke of imperialism sluggishly started to open up intellectual liberation too. Mobilizing meagre resources gifted by new political reality, oppressed sections, including Dalits and tribal people, embarked upon arduous journey of upward social mobility. The initial stages of post-independence struggle spared hardly any time and resources for the emerging new middle class and enlightened Dalit communities to take on the mightier cultural and social constructs that still hampered their progression.
Seemingly tranquil minorities and OBCs burst out for the first time for asserting their rights through Mandal politics and therefore it is of paramount importance for assessing right’s movement in Indian history. This protest set in motion the demolition of morally debilitated upper caste hegemony at the assertive identity parade of marginalized sections which gained traction cutting across regions. By the dint of protests oppressed classes were able to amass second wave of political and social rights after democratic framework of constitution.
Relative safety of political rights inspired the historically oppressed segments of Indian society to take head-on casteist cognitive violence that continued to pamper legitimacy to physical caste oppression. The oppression of Dalits and minorities continued unperturbed under the new political structure because the nation had suffered from cultural misappropriation of elites. When India was freed she nurtured erstwhile exploitative social structure as heir, minus its apparent political inequality. To propitiate the landed elite aristocracy framers of constitution left the conscience of India untouched to be later dominated by Varna practices while pushing through political window-dressing reforms.
According to Dalit activists like Kancha Ilaiah, presently Dalits are in the third stage of assertive politics; first and second of which was represented by educational struggle and political mobilization respectively. Third stage is zeroed in on questioning entrenched divisive cultural and historical symbols that put shackles of psychological servitude on the general conscience of national narrative. Without any hesitation one could categorically conclude that what narration is being projected as part of national integration is evidently vestiges of imposed upon social constructs sponsored by caste tradition. The great contribution of post-independent national integration was the fateful homogenization of multiple identities into monolithic, exclusive one. But the problem was in a plural nation like India tag of popular civility was conferred upon the historically oppressive, elitist identity. Moral sanction behind the cultural miscarriage was vehemently justified under the pretext of national integration.
Protest in West Bengal over Durga Puja and Santhals worshipping Ranava point to the resurging intellectual resistance by the oppressed against casteist legacy. Protest by Dalits of Kerala to celebrate Onam follows this league of quest for emancipation. Instead of engaging in meaningful discussions, the general tendency of state machinery is to discredit these efforts as mere whimpers of creamy layer section of Dalit communities’ craving for more political rights. Instead of ceding creative space for sub-nationalism and enrichment of multiple identities, aggressive propaganda is launched to ensure imagined national integration.
This article is to question the moral sanction of Onam festival to be treated as state festival and demands new secular syncretic festival to replace it in coming years. The festival through its various mythical narratives is a virulent remembrance of oppressive past. Above all, the institutionalization of Onam festival in Kerala was a state project to appease the disgruntled landed feudalism in the milieu of land reform movements. In 1960 Pattom Thanu Pillai government took the decision to celebrate Onam as state festival to tailor to the state interests. Later it became public conscience and its ritualistic symbols got pre-eminence due to social evolutionary process.
Among various narratives related to the origin of Onam, one associated with the fifth incarnation of Vishnu, Vamana, has wider circulation. According to this mythical narrative Keralanadu was ruled by benevolent Asura king called Mahabali. His reign was remarkable for prosperity and replete with peace and tranquillity. Jealous over this, band of Devas complained to Vishnu to help them sack Mahabali. Then Vishnu took the avatar of a learned Brahmin child and came to the court of Mahabali. Jubilant ruler gave Vamana the permission to ask for anything. Vamana demanded only three feet of land for worship which was happily agreed by Asura king. Vamana covered entire heaven and earth in first two strides leaving no land for third one. To fulfil his promise Mahabali offered his head with one simple appeal; allow him come back every year to visit his subjects. According to Hindu mythology Dalits are the descendants of Asura and this myth highlights the triumph of casteism upon them.
While the accuracy of myths is debated and its interpretations are manifold, the plain fact is that through a ploy a Dalit king was exterminated to sustain caste hegemony. Now let’s take second important narrative of Onam often invoked by caste liberals to assert its cultural dissection from caste dynamics. Onam is merely an agricultural festival coincided with splendorous time after long spell of depravity and poverty. What is the purpose of celebration for majority of Kanakkaran (landless tenants) whose physical efforts were siphoned off by landed upper caste people? It is supposed only to compel the labourers to stuff the granaries of landed aristocracy with rodent infested harvest while labourers suffered tremendously.
Both mythical and agricultural origin of the festival undoubtedly points to the nexus of festival with the hegemonic caste traditions. How such a blatant celebration of caste dynamics was handpicked to mean a state festival having plural population? Unravelling of this cultural imposition sheds light on gross cultural injustice being meted out to downtrodden sections of society. Besides, this is a stellar example of corporeal Brahmanical colonization of India’s popular psyche.
The evolution of Onam as a popular celebration
Mythic story of Onam is formed to offset doubt and dissatisfaction and ensure seamless allegiance to Varna trepidations. Caste hegemony invoked religion to betray causes of Dalits and Adivasis for better life in this life by promising noble rebirth if one stoically suffered the physical and mental hardships and resigned to fatalism. Later the birth of Indian republic also embarked upon a notorious journey of cultural homogenization. Culture of upper casteism was remodelled as popular monolithic to be accepted by all for national integration and was given tacit approval by states too. Sub-nationalism or counter narratives were swiftly intimidated as sordid attempts to wedge fissures in the concept of one Indianness often ‘spewed by seditious liberals’.
The history of Brahmanical hijack of popular culture in the name of nation started with the rise of nationalism in the closing periods of nineteenth century. To rope in with the laymen, its proponent projected the culture of upper castes or religious division as a unifying force against colonialism. So when India got her freedom the supremacy of upper casteism as a catalyst for national integration was so pervasive that it continues to be practiced even today. The misappropriation of modernity India was struggling to achieve gave Varna proponents opportunity to reinvent itself to suit the changing times.
Consequent social evolutionary process like reorganization of sates on linguistic basis, strengthening of agricultural economy, destruction of caste system and state sponsored efforts to cement national integration helped these practices to get public approval. Along with due to the British land settlement policies produced new middle class and hastened the process of upward social mobility. As a result the concept of joint family receded and extreme individualism got ascendancy. This social evolutionary process saw the adoption of Onam as a cultural celebration even by downtrodden people.
In the process of Popularization of Onam celebration and related rituals got only symbolic attention and its wider logical and social connotations were neglected. It was presented as secular and inclusive without caste segregation although rituals and chores of the festival still followed upper caste hegemony. Can we wholeheartedly agree with such Brahmanical festivals even after minor cosmetic changes?
New churnings in the horizon
Nowadays again the social evolutionary continuity puts the same practice into virulent questions. Enlightened new generations of Dalits and Adivasis are increasingly coming into the mainstream seriously doubting the ability of Onam celebration to be inclusive. These protests are here to stay and make disturbing ripples in society. Even after peeling off some layers, the narrative behind Onam is powerfully against the Dalits who were at the receiving end of caste vicissitudes. All the counter narrative recently emerging from various parts of the country are the indication of churning happening in the social evolution process. Tailwinds bear witness to the resolute of downtrodden section to walk free of past. Are we not able to accommodate the aspirations of a generation for more freedom and self-esteem?
It is high time celebration like Onam and others should be scrutinized to make national structure more inclusive. Adoption of secular and inclusive practises is the nascent step to truly integrate people on the margins to the fold of pluralistic nation. Government of Kerala and civil society should revisit the Onam and try to introduce all inclusive festival for the state. Small steps to boost the morale of downtrodden people by scrapping old segregating practices will go long way to herald new nation of proud entity.
Mubashir VP is a research scholar in Da’wa and comparative religion at Darul Huda Islamic University and can be reached at [email protected]