By Sarwar Kashani, IANS
Srinagar : When Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, the former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, died in September 1982, over a million grief-stricken followers turned up to bid a tearful adieu to their beloved leader.
Within a few years, things did a U-turn. Abdullah, popularly called Sher-e-Kashmir (Lion of Kashmir), became such a disliked figure among youths that security forces had to be deployed around his grave amid fears that his mausoleum, an architectural masterpiece on the banks of the Dal Lake here, may be bombed.
At the heart of this change were tens of thousands of Kashmiri youths who, steered by mentors across the border, were taking to arms and challenging the state’s accession to India, which Abdullah had approved of.
Abdullah, once a hero of politically oppressed Kashmiris for his successful Quit Kashmir movement in the early 1930s against autocracy and feudalism, was written off as a “traitor” who “betrayed Kashmiri Muslims” by not acceding to Pakistan but leaving them in the “lurch under a Hindu domination”.
So, what was the reason behind Abdullah’s decision?
Abdullah, a devout Muslim who would always start his public speech by reading verses from the holy Quran, was deeply influenced by the socialist and secular school of thought and strongly disapproved of using religious rhetoric to seek political ends. That is why he hated Pakistan and was in awe of the Indian constitution.
During his speech to the state’s constituent assembly in 1951, Abdullah placed three choices before the nation – accede to India, merge with Pakistan or remain independent.
He told his colleagues: “The claim (of Pakistan) being a Muslim state is only a camouflage… The appeal to religion constitutes a sentimental and a wrong approach to the question (whether Kashmir should go to India or Pakistan).
“Sentiment has its own place but it often leads to irrational action.
Pakistan is not an organic unity of all the Muslims in this sub-continent. It has on the contrary, caused the dispersion of the Indian Muslims for whose benefit it was claimed to have been created.”
Enticed by the Indian constitution, Abdullah said: “The national movement in our state naturally gravitates towards the principles of secular democracy. People here will never accept a principle that seeks to favour the interests of one religion or social group against another.
“This affinity in political principles, as well as in past association and our common path of suffering in the cause of freedom (from autocratic Dogra rulers) must be weighed properly while deciding the future of the state.”
On Feb 5, 1948, Abdullah, as prime minister of Kashmir and delegate to the UN, stirred the world community with his patriotic oratory. Dismissing Pakistan’s two-nation theory based on communal grounds, he elucidated his belief in “equality of rights of all citizens, irrespective of their religion, colour, caste, and class”.
“We (Kashmiris) do not believe in communal hatred or communalism itself. We believe religion has no place in politics,” he told the UN Security Council.
At the UN, Abdullah also pointed out Pakistan’s betrayal when a sudden full-fledged attack was launched on defenceless Kashmir, with tribal raiders – backed by the Pakistan Army – committing rape, arson and pillage in the valley, nearly capturing Srinagar before the Indian Army chased them away.
He was referring to Pakistan’s deceptive military attack against Kashmir in October 1948 when it was diplomatically engaged in discussions with India about the state’s future.
Abdullah gained his popularity for authoring some golden chapters of Kashmir’s history, among which giving land to the tillers and education for the masses are written in bold letters.
However, Abdullah became a victim of New Delhi’s mistrust and was dismissed as prime minister in 1953 and jailed for alleged corruption and separatism.
He came back to power in 1975 and took over as chief minister after signing a pact – known as the Indira-Abdullah Accord – with the then Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi. The accord wasn’t liked by most of Abdullah’s contemporaries, even though his return was marked by a rousing public reception in the valley.
Today time seems to have come full circle in the backdrop of the 17-year-old insurgency, with the Kashmiri leadership gradually realising that Abdullah, who had heralded the dream of Naya (new) Kashmir, was a “visionary statesman”.
Despite not being so popular with the generation next, the once despised leader – who was jailed nine times during his political career – is regarded as “the tallest” Kashmir has ever had.
“History bears witness to Sheikh Sahib’s popularity,” acknowledges Sajjad Gani Lone, a moderate separatist leader of Kashmir.
“One cannot deny his being the tallest leader of Kashmir, who had every potential of becoming an icon not only for Kashmiris but for people the world over,” Lone told IANS.
Lone said Abdullah had “settled for less than what could have been bargained from India”, but said perhaps the huge fall from grace “was not what he deserved”.