By Bilal A Malik for Twocircles.net
The Kashmir issue has crossed decades of violence and unrest. It has, unfortunately, become one of the Asia’s, longest and bloodiest conflicts today. Since 1947, when India and Pakistan divided their borders on the basis of two-nation theory, the final political settlement of Kashmir has remained an unsolved political problem. The UN stance on Kashmir Problem was that people of Kashmir would be given the right to self-determination through plebiscite so that they can decide their political future. Moreover, it clearly maintained that Kashmir is a disputed territory and not an integral part of India.
However, the deliberate failure of then political establishment of India to agree on the status of the Jammu and Kashmir by diplomatic means, eventually, turned the whole state into a conflict culture zone. This deliberate failure is the root cause of the Kashmir problem, which otherwise is being wrongly intermingled with issues like unemployment, poverty, and misadministration. Over the years, the consequences of this long-standing conflict have crept into the deepest layer of Kashmir society; from group perception to general perception; from mosque (masjid) to market; and from politics to academics. It has almost affected every single individual’s social, political, and psychological aspiration by one way or the other.
Since the emergence of conflict, the political landscape of Kashmir witnessed a number of transformations. However, the history is witness to the fact, that collective conscience of the people of Kashmir has never accepted accidental occupation as a legitimate solution to their political problem. At the back of mind, every Kashmiri believes that he/she lives in a political dispute that can only be resolved through addressing the collective aspiration of the people of Kashmir. This historical aspiration that Kashmir belongs to us and we will decide its future, has never escaped from the consciousness of Kashmir, despite the so called 1948 Accession or 1975 Accord to India. Even the election process from 1951 onwards, different development policies, employment schemes and economic packages haven’t uprooted this aspiration from the hearts and minds of the people so far. Rather, the impact and influence of the aspiration has become transgenerational and like well-mechanized but uncontrolled genetic information it moved on from parents to their children. Initially, the representatives of the aspiration, who were mostly in their youth, even participated in electoral democracy but the results proved nothing better except raising more distrust between occupation and indigenous character. Coming back from the sick election politics, now, the aspiration met its last resort – the armed struggle. The introduction of gun culture into Kashmir, a society historically known for its non-violent character, was really a paradigm shift, which exposed diplomatic and political failure of India in Kashmir. This is the historical thread which Burhan Wani, the recently killed commander of local militant outfit Hizb-ul-Mujahedeen, had picked up and popularized it through advanced social media. Most of the political analysts believe that Burhan infused a new life into the armed struggle of Kashmir. He romanticised his group’s armed character by publically exposing many group videos and heroic images- all wearing army uniform and holding AK45. The fact is youth, mostly high educated and from well-off families, responded to his heroic call and gathered around him. Since Burhan’s killing; a celebrated martyrdom for almost every Kashmiri, the whole valley witnessed yet another cycle of violence, almost leaving 50 people dead and more than 3,000 people badly injured.
The need to go beyond old rhetoric
It is ironical that in such a volatile situation, the same old, and exhausted narratives are repeated aloud. Instead of acknowledging the ground political reality, the existing political establishment is trying to sideline it by making erroneous and irrelevant statements. They started accusing the armed youth like Burhan and also the people (around 3 lakh) who attended Burhan’s funeral as terrorists. Even the people who protested against Burhan’s killing were labeled as miscreant elements that are being paid from other side of the border. Such baseless and ridiculous statements added more sensitivity to already existing political tensions. The youth of Kashmir responded to these protests as a collective reaction against oppression; an outburst of the sentiment of dissatisfaction; and an expression of alienation. The participation of youth as usual was the characteristic feature of Burhan’s funeral. They all were chanting slogans like Burhan Tere Khoon say Inqilab Aaye Ga (Burhan, your blood will bring a revolution) and Tum Kitney Burhan Maro Gay Her Gar Say Burhan Nikley Ga (how many Burhan’s will you kill? Every home will produce a new Burhan) which clearly reflects the continuity of the tradition and a promise to keep the sentiment alive. Nevertheless, the administration called on its old war tactics; innocents tortured and killed; roads blocked; cellular systems ceased; internet facility stopped; and media caged. It was a clear policy of end matters and not means. The administration doesn’t bother, even not for a moment, to understand the fact that suppression by exercising excessive powers has turned out to be a real failure so far. They don’t to use simple logic, had there been no historical aspiration and a collective sentiment, there would have been no Burhan Wani and of course, there would have been no vicious cycle of violence that Kashmir is currently going through.
A dispute that ruins the lives of young Kashmiris
Living under these distressful conditions, the youth of Kashmir are facing a number of problems. They are unable to make peace between the unstable past and violent present. They are forced to respond to a violent context with repressed emotions, aggression and frustration. The political volatility has thrown them into a typical war-psychosis. The expression of anxiety and nervousness is a prominent feature of youth behaviour. They aren’t able explore their genetic genius to its fullest because of continuous political tensions. The concertina, a very visible metallic-art in Kashmir often used by the forces to create obstacles during crackdowns, search operations, and curfews seems not to have condensed their physical freedom only but also their intellectual freedom. They found themselves trapped in the dilemma of choices and chances vis-à-vis their participation in unstable politics. Even they aren’t able to decide what should top their list of priorities, academics or politics? As conflict has emerged as a persistent obstacle interwoven with the process of socio-economic development, youth are exposed to pressures of deprivation. They feel, under the grab of political disturbance, our rights are being subjugated and our participation isn’t ensured.
The violent situations, like the ongoing one, followed by unjustified persecutions, tortures, and bloodsheds, have directly weakened their sense of belongingness towards India. They have been practically experiencing the state of otherness, both outside and inside the Kashmir. This otherness has redefined their relation with India in terms of you and We. They have developed a rationale that from the perspective of power, participation, and possibility, we are treated as lesser humans. This seems to be a valid argumentation.
For example, every year we come across the news like Kashmiri student were beaten, but never we heard any condemnation from HRD ministry or from upper house of the parliament. However, when out-station student were, unfortunately, beaten at NIT Srinagar, not by the local students but by the police, HRD ministry immediately intervened. A team was sent from Delhi to check the ground situation at Kashmir. Moreover, a number of CRPF companies were ordered from Delhi, without giving any prior information to state government, to safeguard the out-station students. This incident brought a clear-cut message for Kashmiri students that even if “We say You are our integral part but that doesn’t mean You are equal”
Academics believe lack of dialogue will only alienate youth further
The involvement of growing number of educated youth in militancy and stone-pelting has become a subject of debate for the local academicians, politicians and policy makers. Most of the scholars acknowledge the fact that acquaintance to international politics and involvement in globalisation and modernisation projects has transformed many young Kashmiri’s thinking towards pursuing non-violent measures to express their political aspiration. They understood the significance of getting engaged civically. They realized the need to strengthen the atmosphere of political dialogue between Delhi, Islamabad and Srinagar instead of intensifying the gun culture.
However, the constant stand of India on its self-styled narratives like Kashmir is our integral part and Kashmir problem is our internal problem changed everything and created a political havoc. The language of power India spoke every time disheartened many youth. They challenged India’s claim and described it as open violation of human rights and UN resolutions. Instead of listening to them and engage them politically, these youth were alienated, persecuted and tortured badly. There conscience was publically humiliated and their life threatened. They were left with one single belief – power cuts the power. Hence, an almost forgotten gun culture got revived with new enthusiasm and passion.
It is strongly believed that in the absence of a political dialogue that ensures recognition, inclusiveness and participation of all stakeholders of Kashmir issue, more youth are expected to choose the violent option. There will be remarkable increase in the militant recruitment that can potentially constrain peace process and may give rise to more cycles of violence in the future. The uncertain political future of Kashmir will produce more heroic characters like Burhan and more battles will be fought. Keeping the present political developments in view, this uncertainty doesn’t seem to end anywhere as volatile youth just need some incite and that incite can be anything doesn’t matter lesser or major.
This incite doesn’t need to come from Pakistan or separatists, as is it most of the times manipulated, because volatility has become a function of Kashmiri behaviour. In between the line of episodes, what worries me most is the reverse trajectory of youth aspirations from picking up gun in early 1990’s to replacement with stones from 2008 onwards and now back to the gun. This is really a matter of serious concern and if an acceptable political solution is not made this time then Kashmir in the future will be seeing more graveyards and more memories left behind; more mothers mourning for their sons; more fathers giving shoulder to their young sons; and more friends losing their friends.
The author is a Research Scholar at the Centre for Central Asian Studies, University of Kashmir